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Urban Transport in the OIC Megacities

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reverse the unsustainable mobility patterns of the past. The new mobility paradigm suggests that

land-use development, including planning and regulations, needs to be integrated, so that physical

restraint measures and development patterns are used to support shorter travel distances. Improved

levels of proximity are considered to reduce distance travelled, and to contribute to trip reduction and

modal split changes (Cervero, 2013; Banister, 2008).

More specifically, experience in urban planning has shown that successful measures include minimum

density standards, mixed use regulation and a density bonus for developers. Such measures support

compact city development with a hierarchy of higher density and mixed use clusters around public

transport nodes. A further key priority for compact city policy is reforming inappropriate building

density limitations. Similarly, shifting from minimum to maximum parking requirements for urban

development facilitates compaction and lower levels of car use. District level interventions, combined

with the redistribution of road space away from private vehicles, have been proven successful in

promoting modal shift and sustainable mobility. Furthermore, human scale urban design

considerations require a shift away from road capacity oriented street planning to a focus on finer

urban fabric, including smaller block sizes, higher building densities and mixed use to facilitate micro

accessibility, last mile connectivity, walkability and social interaction (Rode et al, 2014).

Transit Oriented Development (TOD) is a term that describes

“the process of focusing the development

of housing, employment, activity sites and public services around existing or new railway stations and

transit interchange nodes served by frequent, high quality and efficient intra-urban services”

(Knowles,

2012, pg. 251). TOD has been an important part of broader smart growth strategies applied in the

United States and some large Asian cities, including Hong Kong, Singapore and Tokyo. The benefits of

TOD involve variety of mobility choices, increased public safety, increased transit ridership, reduction

of private vehicle miles travelled, increased savings for households, reduction of air pollution and

energy consumption rates, conservation of land resources and open space, reduction of infrastructure

costs, contribution to an increase in provision of affordable housing and contribution to economic

development. Research has also specifically focused on the relationship between transit and

commercial land and housing values. In general, such it is suggested that although singular measures,

such as transit based housing or transit adjacent employment centres, are not influential enough in

isolation, TOD can be more effective when it includes a mixture of uses and is supported by

coordinated policy measures (Knowles, 2012; Hess and Lombardi, 2004).

Nonetheless, despite the fact that the economic, social and climate change case for limiting car

dependency and urban sprawl is strong, there are potential negative trade-offs related to industry

sectors that are traditionally highly dependent on the BAU urbanization model. More specifically,

business models and key business actors in the automotive, construction and real estate sectors have

proven resistant to change to date. In addition, strong consumer preferences relating to car ownership

and suburban lifestyles remain. Switching urban patterns in many existing cities are high, particularly

in urban areas that have already developed low density and car oriented housing. Finally, a range of

institutional and process barriers also exist. Policy integration across urban planning, design and

transport planning is often compromised by inflexible governance structures (Rode et al, 2014).

3.3.2.3.

Land use and urban form of megacities in developing countries

The megacities of the developed and the developing world mainly differ in terms of primacy, levels of

monocentricity, population densities, roadway designs, and geographic locations of the poor.

Although it is considered that the concept of single centred cities is becoming less relevant with the

growth of megacities, as they are rapidly developing as polycentric urban agglomerations, often

absorbing other smaller cities in the process, lack of planning and separation of activities significant

deteriorate accessibility and quality levels (Banister, 2011; Cervero, 2013).

Megacities of the developing world tend to have more primacy with big cities having disproportionally

higher numbers of inhabitants as well as high paying jobs. The concentration of national wealth in

capital cities such as Jakarta, Lagos or Dakar also means concentration of private vehicles and

transport infrastructure. In addition, megacities serve as a gateway for international linkages and are

the often the prime receivers of funding for infrastructure improvements. In a self-reinforcing circle,