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Preferential Trade Agreements and Trade Liberalization Efforts in the OIC Member States

With Special Emphasis on the TPS-OIC

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negotiations between the EU and India; regulatory and investment issues between the EU and

the US; and various issues to do with the movement of labour, services and investment

liberalisation in the negotiation of the Economic Partnership agreements. Central to achieving

an agreement is for both sides to have sufficiently strong offensive interests (ie where they are

seeking concessions from the other side) but also the political strength and will domestically in

order to be able to offer concessions in return. It is not within the scope of this report to assess

the strength of such political commitment in the Contracting Countries of TPS-OIC. Currently

the TPS-OIC does not really cover deeper integration and hence there is little in the agreement

itself to suggest benefits arising from such a process. Of course, to the extent that the

agreement is a stepping stone to further / deeper liberalisation in the future then of course

there is the future potential for the realisation of such gains; but at this stage this remains

speculative.

Related to the preceding is the issue of engagement in value chains. As production

process become more fragmented, competitiveness and success in exporting is increasingly

associated with the ability to engage in value chains internationally. This entails either

sourcing from abroad or supplying to firms abroad. In that context, tariffs on imports are

increasingly a cost for exporters and therefore may hinder the development of domestic

competitiveness. To the extent that there is scope for greater supply chain integration between

OIC countries, the limited obligatory coverage in the TPS-OIC agreement is likely to mitigate

against the development of such value chains.

The evidence also suggests that where there is deeper integration then it is more likely

that countries can successfully integrate into emerging value chains, and therefore more likely

that the growth effects arising from RTAs could be positive. Relating this to the TPS-OIC, the

same conclusion emerges as in the earlier points - the limited ambition of the agreement

makes it less likely that such gains will be realised.

Agreements which are limited in scope, have long transition periods and have plenty of

scope for opt-out clauses or exceptions are less likely to have much of a positive impact. This is

because domestic political economy considerations make it much more difficult to achieve

meaningful liberalisation. To a certain degree, signing an agreement can help to lock-in reform

such that the desired liberalisation is achieved and cannot subsequently be overturned by

domestic interest groups. If we consider existing agreements involving OIC members we see

considerable variety. There is evidence that some agreements have positively impacted on

intra-regional trade flows (e.g. Agadir). Such effects are much more likely the greater the

coverage of the agreement in terms of the tariff lines covered and the greater the tariff

reductions. Note however, that if the external tariffs remain high then welfare reducing trade

diversion is more likely.

If we consider the actual TPS-OIC agreement then several key messages emerge: