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Activation Policies for the Poor in OIC Member States

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to only having one employment services bureau to operate, it aims to standardise the employment

services offered to jobseekers by delivering training to the private agencies.

The lack of sufficient job search support is not only due to a lack of funding, it is also linked to the

lack of incentives for jobseekers to register as unemployed and for employers to advertise their

vacancies (although which factor is a cause, and which is a symptom is difficult to establish). In

countries which provide social assistance to the unemployed, the payment of the benefit is often

linked to the individual registering as unemployed. As there is no such social assistance provided to

unemployed people in Uganda, there is no incentive to register with the PES. Incentives for

jobseekers are also limited because whilst the employment service could recommend skills training

to a jobseeker, they do not have the capacity to deliver the training themselves or liaise with training

institutions on behalf of the jobseeker. This is because training institutions are within the remit of

another ministry, the Ministry of Education and Sports.

The lack of coordination is not helped by the structure of government ministries. In a restructure,

the Ministry of Labour was merged into the current MGLSD. This new structure makes it difficult for

employment policy to be established as a priority and to generate coordination in this policy area.

For the most part, jobseekers utilise networks of contacts and find job vacancies advertised in the

newspapers, on the radio and on television. However, many jobs are advertised purely to meet

regulations which require companies to advertise roles and that in many cases an individual will

have already been informally selected to fill the vacancy. In an informal discussion, it was mentioned

that jobseekers are frequently not employed or promoted on merit but on their network and ‘who

they know’.

The severe constraints of the PES mean that there is a significant need for other activation projects

in Uganda. This has been recognised by the government but also by key actors, such as employers,

NGOs and IFIs. A number of skills training programmes are being implemented, for example, which

will be discussed in the following section.

Training

The government, often with support from donor countries and IFIs, has recognised the need to

address skills mismatch, as indicated by the development of Skilling Uganda. However, as previously

mentioned, whilst Uganda does have detailed plans in place to deliver training schemes, actually

implementing policies and projects remains a challenge. Even when vocational skills training is

delivered with the aim of ensuring students are employable, the quality of that training affects

students’ employability. The tools that students use in their training are often old fashioned and

training is therefore not suited to the work students would be carrying out in the workplace. For

example, students that are training to be mechanics tend to learn their skills by working on old cars

that are no longer used by consumers. Once a student moves into the workplace, they are therefore

not equipped to carry out repairs on modern cars.

Despite these challenges, training schemes are being delivered with positive effects for the

vulnerable. Child labour, for example, is still an issue in Uganda, despite legislation being in place

banning it. In 2010, the NGO Platform for Labour Action (PLA) carried out research and found that in

one district of Kampala alone, 12,000 children were working. PLA introduced skills training

measures to support former child workers. The project is called Empowering the Community to

Prevent and Protect Child Domestic Workers and it targets child domestic workers aged between 14

and 17. Generally, activation measures for the poor do not include education measures for children.

However, in this case the target group can be considered as being vulnerable workers. The support

measures used by PLA also include vocational skills training. This is why the example has been

included, despite activation measures not generally being related to children’s education.

Under the project, child domestic workers are identified by Task Force Members who are local

leaders in their community. After a child domestic worker has been identified, PLA approaches the

child’s family or employer and explains why the child should not be working. This can be difficult